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On December 21, 1963, serious violence erupted in Nicosia when a Greek
Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a
Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd
gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed. As the news
spread, members of the underground organizations began firing and taking
hostages. North of Nicosia, Turkish forces occupied a strong position at St.
Hilarion Castle, dominating the road to Kyrenia on the northern coast. The road
became a principal combat area as both sides fought to control it. Much
intercommunal fighting occurred in Nicosia along the line separating the Greek
and Turkish quarters of the city (known later as the Green Line). Turkish
Cypriots were not concentrated in one area, but lived throughout the island,
making their position precarious. Vice-President Küçük and Turkish Cypriot
ministers and members of the House of Representatives ceased participating in
the government.
In January 1964, after an inconclusive conference in London among
representatives of Britain, Greece, Turkey, and the two Cypriot communities, UN
Secretary General U Thant, at the request of the Cyprus government, sent a
special representative to the island. After receiving a firsthand report in
February, the Security Council authorized a peace-keeping force under the
direction of the secretary general. Advance units reached Cyprus in March, and
by May the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) totaled about
6,500 troops. Originally authorized for a three-month period, the force, at
decreased strength, was still in position in the early 1990s.
Severe intercommunal fighting occurred in March and April 1964. When the
worst of the fighting was over, Turkish Cypriots--sometimes of their own
volition and at other times forced by the TMT--began moving from isolated rural
areas and mixed villages into enclaves. Before long, a substantial portion of
the island's Turkish Cypriot population was crowded into the Turkish quarter of
Nicosia in tents and hastily constructed shacks. Slum conditions resulted from
the serious overcrowding. All necessities as well as utilities had to be brought
in through the Greek Cypriot lines. Many Turkish Cypriots who had not moved into
Nicosia gave up their land and houses for the security of other enclaves.
In June 1964, the House of Representatives, functioning with only its Greek
Cypriot members, passed a bill establishing the National Guard, in which all
Cypriot males between the ages of eighteen and fifty-nine were liable to
compulsory service. The right of Cypriots to bear arms was then limited to this
National Guard and to the police. Invited by Makarios, General Grivas returned
to Cyprus in June to assume command of the National Guard; the purpose of the
new law was to curb the proliferation of Greek Cypriot irregular bands and bring
them under control in an organization commanded by the prestigious Grivas. Turks
and Turkish Cypriots meanwhile charged that large numbers of Greek regular
troops were being clandestinely infiltrated into the island to lend
professionalism to the National Guard. Turkey began military preparations for an
invasion of the island. A brutally frank warning from United States president
Lyndon B. Johnson to Prime Minister Ismet Inönü caused the Turks to call off
the invasion. In August, however, Turkish jets attacked Greek Cypriot forces
besieging Turkish Cypriot villages on the northwestern coast near Kokkina.
In July, veteran United States diplomat Dean Acheson met with Greek and
Turkish representatives in Geneva. From this meeting emerged what became known
as the Acheson Plan, according to which Greek Cypriots would have enosis and
Greece was to award the Aegean island of Kastelorrizon to Turkey and compensate
Turkish Cypriots wishing to emigrate. Secure Turkish enclaves and a Turkish
sovereign military base area were to be provided on Cyprus. Makarios rejected
the plan, because it called for what he saw as a modified form of partition.
Throughout 1964 and later, President Makarios and the Greek Cypriot
leadership adopted the view that the establishment of UNFICYP by the UN Security
Council had set aside the rights of intervention granted to the guarantor
powers--Britain, Greece, and Turkey--by the Treaty of Guarantee. The Turkish
leadership, on the other hand, contended that the Security Council action had
reinforced the provisions of the treaty. These diametrically opposed views
illustrated the basic Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot positions; the former
holding that the constitution and the other provisions of the treaties were
flexible and subject to change under changing conditions, and the latter, that
they were fixed agreements, not subject to change.
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