| State |
Entry |
Exit |
Combat Forces |
Population |
Losses |
| Moros |
1972 |
1987 |
50000 |
750000 |
10000 |
| Philippines |
1972 |
1987 |
115000 |
55000000 |
50000 |
| Rebels |
1972 |
1987 |
10000 |
2000000 |
3000 |
Following independence, Filipino Muslims continued to resist Manila's rule,
leading to widespread conflict in the 1970s.
More immediate causes of insurgency rose out of the increasing lawlessness in
the southern Philippines during the late 1960s, when violence associated with
political disputes, personal feuds, and armed gangs proliferated. In this
climate of civil turmoil, longstanding tensions between Moro and Christian
communities escalated. Already in competition over land, economic resources, and
political power, the Moros became increasingly alarmed by the immigration of
Christians from the north who were making Moros a minority in what they felt was
their own land. By mid-1972, partisan political violence, generally
divided along religious lines, gripped all of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago.
After martial law was declared in September 1972 and all civilians were ordered
to surrender their guns, spontaneous rebellions arose among Moros, who
traditionally had equated the right to carry arms with their religious heritage
and were suspicious of the government's intentions toward them.
In its initial phases, the rebellion was a series of isolated uprisings that
rapidly spread in scope and size. But one group, the Moro National Liberation
Front (MNLF) led by Nur Misuari, managed to bring most partisan Moro forces into
the loosely unified MNLF framework. Fighting for an independent Moro nation, the
MNLF received support from Muslim backers in Libya and Malaysia. When the
conflict reached its peak in 1973-75, the military arm of the MNLF, the Bangsa
Moro Army, was able to field some 30,000 armed fighters. The military responded
by deploying 70 to 80 percent of its combat forces against the Moros.
Destruction and casualties, both military and civilian, were heavy; an estimated
50,000 people were killed. The government also employed a variety of nonmilitary
tactics, announced economic aid programs and political concessions, and
encouraged factionalism and defections in the Muslim ranks by offering
incentives such as amnesty and land. The government's programs, and a sharp
decrease in the flow of arms from Malaysia, set back the Moro movement. In 1976
the conflict began to wane.
Talks between the government and the Moros began in late 1976 under the
auspices of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, a union of Muslim
nations to which the Moros looked for support. The talks led to an agreement
between the Philippine government and the MNLF signed in Tripoli that year
providing for Moro autonomy in the southern Philippines and for a cease-fire.
After a lull in the fighting, the truce broke down in 1977 amid Moro charges
that the government's automony plan allowed only token self-rule.
The Moro rebellion never regained its former vigor. Muslim factionalism was a
major factor in the movement's decline. Differing goals, traditional tribal
rivalries, and competition among Moro leaders for control of the movement
produced a threeway split in the MNLF during the late 1970s. The first break
occurred in 1977 when Hashim Salamat, supported by ethnic Maguindanaos from
Mindanao, formed the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, which advocated a more
moderate and conciliatory approach toward the government. Misuari's larger and
more militant MNLF was further weakened during that period when rival leaders
formed the Bangsa Moro Liberation Organization, drawing many Mindanao Maranaos
away from the MNLF, dominated by Misuari's Sulu-based Tausug tribe. The Bangsa
Moro Liberation Organization eventually collapsed, giving way to the Moro
National Liberation FrontReformist Movement. Moro factionalism, compounded by
declining foreign support and general war weariness, hurt the Muslim movement
both on the battlefield and at the negotiating table. Moro fighting strength
declined to about 15,000 by 1983, and Muslim and government forces only
occasionally clashed during Marcos's last years in office.
In keeping with her campaign pledge of national reconciliation, Aquino
initiated talks with the MNLF--the largest of the three major factions--in 1986
to resolve the conflict with Muslim separatists. Discussions produced a
cease-fire in September, followed by further talks under the auspices of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference. In January 1987, the MNLF signed an
agreement relinquishing its goal of independence for Muslim regions and
accepting the government's offer of autonomy. The Moro Islamic Liberation Front,
the next largest faction, refused to accept the accord and initiated a brief
offensive that ended in a truce later that month. Talks between the government
and the MNLF over the proposed autonomous region continued sporadically
throughout 1987 but eventually deadlocked.
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